The bet
In 2007 mySociety, the UK civic-technology charity Tom Steinberg had founded four years earlier, launched FixMyStreet. The idea was modest on purpose. Anyone who spotted a street problem (a pothole, a broken light, graffiti) could drop a pin on a map and attach a photo. The report went to the right council and stayed public, so neighbors could see it too.
Public innovation funding got it started. Behind it sat a simple conviction: the gap worth closing first was the small, daily one between a resident who notices a problem and the authority that can fix it.
Peak
FixMyStreet became a fixture of British civic life. By 2017 it had processed its millionth report, and it still handles something like twelve thousand reports a month, with tens of thousands of people viewing the site. mySociety built an Open311 integration so councils could pull reports straight into their own systems. It also launched FixMyStreet Pro, a managed version councils pay for, run by SocietyWorks, a social enterprise the charity owns.
Country after country picked up the open-source platform. As civic tech goes, it is a quiet, lasting success.
What worked
FixMyStreet is useful, and it found a clean model that has held. Councils pay for the integrated version, and the profits flow back to the charity that keeps the citizen tool free. The code is open-source and widely reused. The whole thing sits inside a nonprofit that has kept a family of civic sites running for two decades without venture money.
Most of what the field usually struggles with, FixMyStreet handled. It shows civic technology can last and stay true to its mission at the same time.
What failed — the mechanism
FixMyStreet didn't fail. It is in this collection for the same reason SeeClickFix is: the civic product that pays for itself and lasts is the transactional one. Report a fault, route it, close it.
That has real value. It is also narrower than the civic reconnection mySociety's broader mission imagines. A public map of problems informs and routes. It gives a resident no channel to the decisions that shape their street between elections. What gets funded and endures is the pothole, and the wider ambition quietly narrows to fit what a council will buy.
What Agora takes from it
FixMyStreet and SeeClickFix teach the same lesson from two countries and two ownership models. Survival pressure pulls civic technology toward the service request that government pays for.
For Agora that means settling who pays early, before the answer can bend the mission. Agora keeps participation free, and keeps it broad so it doesn't get pulled into the 311 niche. FixMyStreet also marks a line Agora has to hold. A reporting map is transparency and logistics. It isn't participation in the years between elections.
mySociety's endurance is the encouraging half of the story. It is an organization built to carry a broad civic ambition while a narrow product pays the bills, which is close to the bet Agora is making.
Common questions
- What was FixMyStreet?
- Britain's durable street-fault reporting map, a nonprofit success that lasted by doing the small thing a council will pay for, reporting the pothole, and leaving the larger civic one aside.
- Is FixMyStreet still running?
- FixMyStreet is recorded here as survived (narrowed). We file it under the pattern we call The narrowing survivor, which describes how it endured and what it gave up to do so.
- When did FixMyStreet operate?
- 2007–present (operating; run by mySociety and SocietyWorks).
- FixMyStreet.com — Wikipediasecondary
- History / mySocietyprimary
- FixMyStreet Pro — SocietyWorksprimary
- CountableThe bill-tracking civic app that, in Agora's reading, could not carry the company, so it took its engagement engine to brands such as Starbucks and Uber.
- g0vTaiwan's leaderless civic-hacker community that 'forked the government', seeded vTaiwan and Cofacts, and has lasted over a decade because it never became a company or a product, with all the fragility that model carries.
- LoomioA worker-owned deliberation tool born from Occupy, which kept its values by staying small and found that inclusive online decision-making lives inside organized groups, not open civic populations.